1. Gaul comprises three areas, inhabited
respectively by the Belgae, the Aquitani, and a people who call themselves
Celt, though we call them Gauls.
All of these have different languages,
customs, and laws. The Celts are separated from the Aquitani by the river
Garonne, from the Belgae by the Marne and Seine.
The Belgae are bravest of
three peoples, being farthest removed from the highly developed civilization of
the Roman Province, least often visited by merchants with enervating luxuries
for sale, and nearest to the Germans across the Rhine, with whom they are
continually at war. For the same reason the Helvetii are braver than the rest
of the Celts; they are in almost daily conflict with the Germans, either trying
to keep them out of Switzerland or themselves invading Germany.
The region
occupied by the Celts, which has one frontier facing north, is bounded by the
Rhone, the Garonne, the Atlantic Ocean, and the country of the Belgae; the part
of it inhabited by the Sequani and the Helvetii also touches the Rhine.
The
Belgic territory, facing north and east, runs from the northern frontier of the
Celts to the lower Rhine. Aquitania is bounded by the Garonne, the Pyrenees,
and the part of the Atlantic coast nearest Spain; it faces north-west.
2. The foremost man among the Helvetii, in
rank and wealth, was Orgetorix. In the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus
Piso (61B.C.) he was induced by the hope of obtaining royal power to organize a
conspiracy of nobleman, and persuaded his country-men to emigrate en masse, telling them that they were
the best fighters in Gaul and could very easily conquer the whole country. They
listened the more readily to his proposal because their territory is completely
hemmed in by natural barriers – on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and deep
river, which is the frontier between them and the Germans; on another side by
the high mountain range of the Jura, between them and the Sequani; on a third,
by the lake of Geneva and the Rhone, which form the boundary between the
Helvetii and the Roman Province. These obstacles restricted their movement and
made it more difficult to attack their neighbors; and as they are a warlike
people they greatly resented this restraint. Considering their large
population, military prestige, and reputation for bravely, they felt that their
territory－only two hundred and
twenty miles long, one hundred and sixty-five wide-was unduly small.
3. Impelled by this feeling and by the influence of
Orgetorix, they determined to prepare for emigration by buying up all the
draught cattle and wagons they could, sowing as much land as possible in order
to secure an adequate supply of corn for the journey, and establishing peaceful
and friendly relations with their neighbors.
They thought that two years would
suffice for completing these preparations, and passed a formal resolution
fixing their departure for the third year.
Orgetorix was put in charge of the
arrangements and undertook a mission to the neighboring peoples, in the course
of which he persuaded a sequanian named Casticus, whose father Catamantaloedis
had been king of his tribe for many years and had been honored by the Senate
with the title of Friends of the Roman people to seize the royal power which
his father had held before him. He also induced the Aeduan Dumnorix,
Diviciacus, brother, who at that time held the chief magistracy of his tribe
and enjoyed great popularity, to make a similar attempt, and gave him his
daughter in marriage. Orgetorix convinced them that these schemes were quite
easy of achievement by telling them that he intended to usurp the sovereignty of
his own state, which he said was beyond question the most powerful in Gaul, and
that he would use his wealth and military strength to secure them the
possession of their thrones.
His arguments proved effective. The three men
swore an oath of mutual loyalty, hoping that once they had made themselves
kings the great power of the warlike peoples they ruled would enable them to
get control of all Gaul.
The Conquest of Gaul (Penguin Classics)
ガリア戦記
ガリア戦記(原文・ラテン語)
ISBN-10: 0140444335
ISBN-13: 978-0140444339
Julius Caesar
Ishihara addressed the group in a friendly manner, explaining the aims of the central authorities and expressing his own hopes that the Kwantung Army would show prudence.
This prompted Lieutenant Colonel Muto, the staff officer in charge of operation in Inner Mongolia, to ask with a smile, Are you merely voicing the opinions of your superiors or do you yourself truly believe what you are saying?
That’s enough!
Ishihara retorted, his voice suddenly stern.
I’m opposed to any operations whatsoever in Inner Mongolia.
Just when the building of Manchukuo is finally under way, you want to risk stirring up trouble with Russia and China with these clumsy plots.
Doesn’t common sense tell you what the results will be!
You amaze me, Muto said, the smile still on his lips.
At the time when you were so active in the Manchurian Incident, Imamura and I were working at General Staff Headquarters.
It was your actions then that opened our eyes; we admired you.
We are only putting into practice in Inner Mongolia what we learned from you.
The staff officers laughed in unison when Muto finished, as if to voice approval of what he had said.
Ishihara, shocked into silence, turned to Itagaki, but his old friend and ally made no move to speak.
A sudden chill fell over the meeting. Assistant Chief of Staff Imamura stepped in to act as mediator.
What do you say sir-he said, addressing Chief of staff Itagaki, it’s time to eat, so why don’t we discuss this further tomorrow, when there’s more time…Yes, Itagaki agreed, greatly relieved, let’s move to the dining room and relax.
The following day Ishihara reiterated the aims of the central command to the commander, Itagaki, and Imamura, but he was fully aware they were not listening in earnest to what he had to say. It was Ishihara himself, together with Itagaki, who had created these headstrong tendencies in the Kwantung Army.
Now he was partaking of the bitter fruit of a tradition he had helped create. It was like preaching to a blank wall. For the first time in his life, Ishihara tasted defeat.
When Imamura saw him off at the airfield, it seemed to him Ishihara was a different man from when he arrived, that a shadow of forlornness had fallen upon him.
Japan: The Years of Trial, 1919-52
ISBN-10: 087011610X
ISBN-13: 978-0870116100
村上兵衛
「四字熟語・成句辞典」
竹田晃著
講談社学術文庫
pp．184-185より抜粋
狡兎良狗(こうと りょうく)
意味
「狡兎死して良狗烹らる」の略。すばしこい「狡」兎が死ねば、忠実な猟犬も用済みとなり、煮て食われてしまう。目的が達せられると、それまで功績のあった者も利用価値がなくなり、冷たく捨てられることのたとえ「狗」は、犬のこと。」
出典
「史記」淮陰侯伝
用例
あの人は、創業当初から社長の右腕として尽力してきたが、会社が立派に大企業の仲間入りを果たした今、狡兎良狗しだいに冷遇されつつある。
類語
狡兎走狗・兎死狗烹[兎死して狗煮らる]・鳥尽弓蔵・得魚忘筌・忘恩負義
四字熟語・成句辞典
ISBN-10: 4062921634
ISBN-13: 978-4062921633
On May 14, 1932, about two months after the founding of Manchukuo, the world-famous comedian Charlie Chaplin landed in the port of Kobe.
The next day, he moved on to Tokyo by express train, accompanied by a throng of reporters.
The papers were full of articles welcoming him, and Chaplin responded: The Japanese are the hardest working people in the world and I respect them for it.
It was Sunday, and Tokyo lay under a bright, sunny sky.
That afternoon, Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi, relaxing in the Japanese room of his official residence in down town Tokyo, was reading the evening edition of the newspaper. He had succeeded Prime Minister Wakatsuki toward the end of previous year.
A former journalist, he was on friendly terms with the Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen and was also known for having assisted the Filipino champion of independence, General Emilio Aguinaldo.
At seventy-six, he stood out among the politicians of his time as an elder statesman of the highest integrity.
At about 5:30, two taxis suddenly pulled up in front of the residence. In the cars was a party of naval officers and army cadets.
Evading the eye of security, the group, led by the naval officers, forced its way inside, heading for the prime minister’s room.
The prime minister now sat behind a table, surrounded by military men.
Riveting his eyes upon them, he opened the lid of a cigarette box, and offered it around without a word.
Not one of the officers put out a hand.
Inukai then addressed the intruders: Won’t you at least remove your boots?
You needn’t worry about our boots. You know what’s happening, shouted the leader, Lieutenant Mikami Taku, in an excited voice, aiming his pistol.
If you have any last words, let’s have it quick.
Inukai calmly retorted, There’s no need to get excited. If we talk this over, we can come to an understanding.
His tranquility made a strong impression on lieutenant Mikami and he lowered his pistol, but another lieutenant shouted angrily, No discussions, shoot, shoot!
The prime minister raised his hand as though to calm the attacker.
At this point a young second lieutenant who had just burst into the room suddenly pulled the trigger.
Lieutenant Mikami also fired a shot.
The Prime minister collapsed face down on the table. Inukai breathed his last that night.
To the last moment he kept repeating in his delirium, If only we could have talked…. At the subsequent trial, the criminals stated that they had had no personal motive for killing Inukai―on the contrary, they thought him an out-standing politician.
Their reasoning was that he had to be eliminated because he was the head of corrupt political party.
At the same time, the group had attacked the keeper of Privy Seal, Count Makino―one of the plenipotentiaries at the earlier Paris Peace Conference―as well as party headquarters, the Metropolitan Police Office, and the electrical transformer station; but except for the prime minister’s assassination, all the attacks ended in failure.
By creating confusion in the capital, which would be followed by a declaration of martial law by the army, the plotters had hoped to create an occasion for establishing a reformist military cabinet.
Their object was the destruction of the status quo; what followed, they hoped, could be left to the top echelon of the army.
Their leaflets, disseminated in the vicinity of the Metropolitan Police Office, made the following appeal:
People of Japan!
The time has come to take a look squarely at our fatherland!
Look at politics, foreign policy, the economy, education, ideas, military matters―where is the true imperial Japan to be seen?
The political parties, blinded by their own interests, conspire with the zaibatsu to squeeze sweat and blood out of the common people; our foreign policy is spineless, our education decadent, our military corrupt, our ideas are perverted, our working class and farmers suffer in direst distress, and vain speeches are made all the while!
Japan is on the verge of dying in a cesspool of depravity. Fellow citizens, to arms! In the name of Emperor, slay the evil courtiers! Kill the enemies of the people―the parties and zaibatsu! Wipe out the privileged classes!
Farmers, workers, people of our country! Defend your Japanese fatherland! Build a healthier new Japan!
To reconstruct, first destroy! Demolish the present abominable system totally!
Japan: The Years of Trial, 1919-52
ISBN-10: 087011610X
ISBN-13: 978-0870116100
村上兵衛
